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September 13, 2005

Low Pay Article for Working Brief

At the very start of his leadership of the Labour Party, at the 1994 Labour Party Conference, Tony Blair promised that in his new Britain, the workforce would not be “treated as servants, but as partners” and that “ we will make work pay.” Then at the 1999 party conference, he added that the National Minimum Wage (NMW) would help create a “society [in which everyone has the chance to share in increasing prosperity.” So what happened?

The NMW has proved effective at curbing the worst excesses of the worst employers but has been found badly wanting when it comes to tackling in work provision especially for single adults. Admittedly, the NMW has raised wages at the bottom end of the scale for 2 million workers, of whom (rising from £4.85 per hour initially to £5.05per hour in October 2005 to £5.35 per hour in October 2006) of whom two thirds are women, but NPI has found that nearly a quarter – 23% - of UK employees are still low paid, with almost 7 million of them earning less than £6.50/hour.

What is really disappointing is that this percentage on low pay has remained almost unchanged since the NMW was introduced. In fact, this percentage shows signs of increasing rather than of diminishing.

There are now two million “domestic” workers in the UK – more than at any time since the 1930s. One of the largest expansions in the UK Labour market in recent years has been in the notoriously low paid hotel , catering and hospitality sector. It employed 1.7m workers in 2003, 14% up on 2001. the average salary of a commis chef is a meager £13,000. Not surprisingly, there is a shortfall of 60,000 chefs.

The government boasts that the US has lost 3 million jobs, Japan 1.5m and Germany 1.4m while UK has increased jobs by 1.6m since 1997. overwhelmingly, these are not high skilled, high paid, high value added jobs, but often are very low paid. So what as gone wrong?

At its introduction, the national minimum wage was set far too low. Originally, it was said by the Tories and laissez fair marketers that NMW would spark a huge increase in unemployment. Michael Howard suggested that as many as 2 million jobs could be lost. In fact, there is not a single report of anyone losing their job as a result of the introduction of the NMW, indicating there was some overkill in lowering the NWM starting point in order to avoid unemployment that never happened.

This government – in the person of Tony Blair – has been closer to the CBI than to the TUC in laying down market conditions and has almost always taken employers advice, colluding with big companies which will not recognize trade unions. Blair’s Government has as its central ideology a neo-liberal, privatizing, de-regulatory agenda.

Sub contracting public services out to private contractors and PFI have produced downward pressure on pay and have been intended to do so.

The outsourcing of services is now global. The biggest symbol of the post industrial economy of the UK is call centres. The telecoms service sector has grown by 2505 in the last decade. The average call centre worker is female in her 20s, on a starting salary of just £12,000. Income Data Services research showed that average pay for all call centre staff in 2004 was a measly £15,000. Not surprising then, that 60% of employees in the sector are reporting difficulties in making ends meet.

Nor does this mean low paid jobs are now being exported out of the UK. Recent research showed that out of more than 100 call centre employers surveyed, three fifths were expecting to take on further staff in the UK in 2005. So what should be done?

Clearly, the NMW needs an uplift well beyond the £5.05/hr planned for this year. If aligned with the Council of Europe Decency Threshold, that would raise it to £6.70/hr. This is not out of line with minimum wages operated in other EU countries. We should support the living wage campaigns currently run by community groups and trade unions in London and Birmingham which have had some big successes. Many big companies at the high profile Canary Wharf development in East London’s docklands have been pressured to agree a set of minimum standards for pay and conditions. Night cleaners at the London HQ of HSBC receive £7.10/hr.

If research shows, as it does, that the most effective way out of child poverty, still over 3 million, is through parents working and getting benefits and tax credits, why can’t wages do that and not the tax credits? The tax credit system simply subsidises low paying employers in a from of perverse corporate welfare.

Asda has 122,000 employees in the UK. Checkout operators are the lowest paid full time workers in the country, with average take home pay of £205 per week. Yet Wal-Mart, of which Asda is now a British subsidiary, posted global profits last year of $245bn. It’s obscene to subsidise Wal-Mart with the Working Families Tax Credit.

We need a fundamental change in the Government’s market philosophy. We don’t need the so-called EU Lisbon agenda of flexible and Anglo Saxon market deregulation model in EU markets that the French (and many other EU) voters so strongly disagree with. Decent pay does not mean a protectionist or uncompetitive economy, it means stopping low pay employers holding the nation to ransom in supporting the lowest paid quarter – or more - of the workforce.

It means – as Labour said in this year’s general election – going forward, not backwards to the 1930s or the Edwardian era.

It means reversing pay obscenity under Labour whereby the number of persons now paid more than £1m per year has increased from 700 in 1997 to 6,000 today.

We need a full scale, thorough investigation of the whole system of pay in the UK. Poverty pay at the bottom and luxury greed at the top are intimately connected.

September 10, 2005

Britain now faces its own blowback

The videotape of the suicide bomber Mohammad Sidique Khan has switched the focus of the London bombings away from the establishment view of brainwashed, murderous individuals and highlighted a starker political reality. While there can be no justification for horrific killings of this kind, they need to be understood against the ferment of the last decade radicalising Muslim youth of Pakistani origin living in Europe.

During the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan in the 1980s, the US funded large numbers of jihadists through Pakistan's secret intelligence service, the ISI. Later the US wanted to raise another jihadi corps, again using proxies, to help Bosnian Muslims fight to weaken the Serb government's hold on Yugoslavia. Those they turned to included Pakistanis in Britain.

According to a recent report by the Delhi-based Observer Research Foundation, a contingent was also sent by the Pakistani government, then led by Benazir Bhutto, at the request of the Clinton administration. This contingent was formed from the Harkat-ul- Ansar (HUA) terrorist group and trained by the ISI. The report estimates that about 200 Pakistani Muslims living in the UK went to Pakistan, trained in HUA camps and joined the HUA's contingent in Bosnia. Most significantly, this was "with the full knowledge and complicity of the British and American intelligence agencies".

As the 2002 Dutch government report on Bosnia makes clear, the US provided a green light to groups on the state department list of terrorist organisations, including the Lebanese-based Hizbullah, to operate in Bosnia - an episode that calls into question the credibility of the subsequent "war on terror".

For nearly a decade the US helped Islamist insurgents linked to Chechnya, Iran and Saudi Arabia destabilise the former Yugoslavia. The insurgents were also allowed to move further east to Kosovo. By the end of the fighting in Bosnia there were tens of thousands of Islamist insurgents in Bosnia, Croatia and Kosovo; many then moved west to Austria, Germany and Switzerland.

Less well known is evidence of the British government's relationship with a wider Islamist terrorist network. During an interview on Fox TV this summer, the former US federal prosecutor John Loftus reported that British intelligence had used the al-Muhajiroun group in London to recruit Islamist militants with British passports for the war against the Serbs in Kosovo. Since July Scotland Yard has been interested in an alleged member of al-Muhajiroun, Haroon Rashid Aswat, who some sources have suggested could have been behind the London bombings.

According to Loftus, Aswat was detained in Pakistan after leaving Britain, but was released after 24 hours. He was subsequently returned to Britain from Zambia, but has been detained solely for extradition to the US, not for questioning about the London bombings. Loftus claimed that Aswat is a British-backed double agent, pursued by the police but protected by MI6.

One British Muslim of Pakistani origin radicalised by the civil war in Yugoslavia was LSE-educated Omar Saeed Sheikh. He is now in jail in Pakistan under sentence of death for the killing of the US journalist Daniel Pearl in 2002 - although many (including Pearl's widow and the US authorities) doubt that he committed the murder. However, reports from Pakistan suggest that Sheikh continues to be active from jail, keeping in touch with friends and followers in Britain.

Sheikh was recruited as a student by Jaish-e-Muhammad (Army of Muhammad), which operates a network in Britain. It has actively recruited Britons from universities and colleges since the early 1990s, and has boasted of its numerous British Muslim volunteers. Investigations in Pakistan have suggested that on his visits there Shehzad Tanweer, one of the London suicide bombers, contacted members of two outlawed local groups and trained at two camps in Karachi and near Lahore. Indeed the network of groups now being uncovered in Pakistan may point to senior al-Qaida operatives having played a part in selecting members of the bombers' cell. The Observer Research Foundation has argued that there are even "grounds to suspect that the [London] blasts were orchestrated by Omar Sheikh from his jail in Pakistan".

Why then is Omar Sheikh not being dealt with when he is already under sentence of death? Astonishingly his appeal to a higher court against the sentence was adjourned in July for the 32nd time and has since been adjourned indefinitely. This is all the more remarkable when this is the same Omar Sheikh who, at the behest of General Mahmood Ahmed, head of the ISI, wired $100,000 to Mohammed Atta, the leading 9/11 hijacker, before the New York attacks, as confirmed by Dennis Lormel, director of FBI's financial crimes unit.

Yet neither Ahmed nor Omar appears to have been sought for questioning by the US about 9/11. Indeed, the official 9/11 Commission Report of July 2004 sought to downplay the role of Pakistan with the comment: "To date, the US government has not been able to determine the origin of the money used for the 9/11 attacks. Ultimately the question is of little practical significance" - a statement of breathtaking disingenuousness.

All this highlights the resistance to getting at the truth about the 9/11 attacks and to an effective crackdown on the forces fomenting terrorist bombings in the west, including Britain. The extraordinary US forbearance towards Omar Sheikh, its restraint towards the father of Pakistan's atomic bomb, Dr AQ Khan, selling nuclear secrets to Iran, Libya and North Korea, the huge US military assistance to Pakistan and the US decision last year to designate Pakistan as a major non-Nato ally in south Asia all betoken a deeper strategic set of goals as the real priority in its relationship with Pakistan. These might be surmised as Pakistan providing sizeable military contingents for Iraq to replace US troops, or Pakistani troops replacing Nato forces in Afghanistan. Or it could involve the use of Pakistani military bases for US intervention in Iran, or strengthening Pakistan as a base in relation to India and China.

Whether the hunt for those behind the London bombers can prevail against these powerful political forces remains to be seen. Indeed it may depend on whether Scotland Yard, in its attempts to uncover the truth, can prevail over MI6, which is trying to cover its tracks and in practice has every opportunity to operate beyond the law under the cover of national security.