How this cuts frenzy can be stopped

March 31st, 2010

Yesterday my speech in the House on the last day of the Budget debate argued strongly for a different strategy for the Budget:
“I want to concentrate on the general structure and strategy of the Budget. I begin by congratulating my right hon. Friend the Chancellor on, once again, showing how adept he is at playing a difficult hand well. He has navigated a sensitive balance between preventing a double-dip recession, not endangering the recovery, keeping the financial markets on side and at least beginning to reverse some of the more grotesque inequalities that, in my view, so badly mar the face of Britain today.

Having said that, I remain concerned about the proposed strategy for reducing the deficit, particularly the relative weight allotted to higher taxes, public spending cuts and higher economic growth in achieving that objective. The Treasury has proposed tax increases of £19 billion and public spending cuts of £38 billion. If the deficit of £167 billion is to be halved within four years-reducing it to £83 billion-that must mean economic growth yielding something in the order of £26 billion.

I think that the first of those objectives on tax is readily achievable. At last it is being accepted that the burden of tax should rest much more on the shoulders of those who have made disproportionately huge gains in the last decade or two, not least on the shoulders of those responsible for the slump in the first place. The 50 per cent. top tax rate, the bonus tax on bankers, the loss of personal allowances, the freezing of inheritance thresholds and the mansion stamp duty tax will not have any effect on roughly 95 per cent. of the population. In fact, they will very largely be directed at the super-rich 1 per cent.

Frankly, I think it absurd for the Tory press to scream as they have over this last week that this is an attack on hard-working middle and high earners. Who do they think middle Britain actually is? The medium income in Britain today is £22,000, while one third of the population subsists on less than £15,000 a year-a fact that we in this Chamber ought never to forget. The term “middle Britain” roughly applies to those earning between £15,000 and £30,000 a year, whereas the Budget increases will affect hardly anyone earning less than £70,000 a year. This is not spite; it is, at last, the beginnings of a switch back to some semblance of fairness. For that, I praise my rt.hon. friend the Chancellor.

John Hayes (- Shadow Minister (Lifelong Learning, Further and Higher Education), Universities and Skills; South Holland & The Deepings, Conservative)

I am an admirer of the right hon. Gentleman and I share some of his views about the redistribution of advantages in society. Nevertheless, freezing tax thresholds and increasing national insurance could not by any measure be described as the most progressive ways of enforcing tax increases in line with his ambitions.

Michael Meacher (Oldham West & Royton, Labour)

I was referring to the tax increases in this Budget, whereas the hon. Gentleman is referring to the increase in insurance, which was signalled by the Chancellor in the previous Budget. I agree, of course, that that applies across the board. My point is that most of the additions in this Budget are concentrated, with a degree of equity that we have not seen before, on those who can afford to pay for them.

As I was about to say, my only concern is why the Chancellor did not go further. Why are the 50 per cent. tax rate and the bankers’ bonus taxes just a temporary one-off? Why are they not being made permanent? Why not take the cap off national insurance and make the well-off pay exactly the same proportion as the rest of the population? Why not end the loophole whereby City insiders redefine their income as capital gains so that they pay merely 18 per cent. capital gains tax rather than 40 per cent. income tax, which has made the City of London a virtual tax haven? Taking the lead from the Prime Minister, why do we not bring in a highly popular Robin Hood transaction tax on the banks, as other countries have done, without waiting for an international consensus? Yes, it would be better with such a consensus, but it can certainly be done effectively without it. If all those eminently reasonable proposals were pursued, the balance between tax increases for those who can well afford them and public expenditure cuts that hurt everyone else and begin to undermine the very core of our society could be substantially redressed.

One of the paradoxes-it has already come out in our debate-is that all three parties seem to be saying, with varying degrees of panache, that the coming round of spending cuts will be more swingeing than under Margaret Thatcher. Some parties say it with relish-the Tories will always grab at a chance to shrink the state-but the Labour party is very different in that respect. It might regard the cuts as a necessary pain to be endured, but if that is the party’s view I would question it on two grounds.

First, if the Government are anywhere near accurate in their growth forecasts-1 to 1.5 per cent. this year; and 3 to 3.5 per cent. in the succeeding two years-the need for massive destabilising cuts is hugely reduced. If the Government are right in their predictions for the two years 2011 and 2012, gross national product will increase by about £100 billion, of which the Government’s take would be roughly £40 billion. That alone would go a long way towards closing the deficit, thus significantly reducing the need for spending cuts.

I would be the first to express the doubt-other hon. Members might have the same view-that Government forecasts might well be unduly optimistic, but even if growth were only 2 per cent. a year, which I think is eminently plausible for those two years in a recovery, Government revenues would still increase by nearly £30 billion, which would make for a major shrinking of the deficit, greatly reducing the need for highly damaging cuts.

There is a second point, however. This is the one part of the Budget with which I take issue. In his statement, my right hon. Friend the Chancellor said:

“We will not go back to the interventionism of the past, but nor can we return to the hands-off approach of the free-marketeers.”-[ Hansard, 24 March 2010; Vol. 508, c. 261.]

Of course no one wants a reversion to overall state planning, but the idea that the private sector is, or should be, exclusively the engine of growth, or that it is the sole or main generator of efficiency, is a Thatcherite canard that should be dispensed with rapidly, because there is simply no evidence to justify it.

It cannot be asserted too often or too strongly that the present recession was caused by the dramatic collapse of private investment before the autumn of 2008. Between the preceding year and the succeeding year, there was a cataclysmic collapse in private investment amounting to, I believe, more than 35 per cent. That was hugely aggravated by the reckless excesses-again-of private banking, and the consequences of those excesses. I must tell Ministers that we have as yet been given no commitment, or even a hint, of the establishment of a committee of inquiry or royal commission to look into the causes of what happened and recommend ways of preventing it from happening again, which I believe is urgently needed.

What I think is called for now is a partnership-I am not referring to interventionism-between the public and private sectors, in which at times of deep recession the public sector would take the lead. Private investment will not improve until the prospects of profitability improve substantially. Merely titillating the private sector with a range of tingling but rather small incentives-which is what the Budget does, because my right hon. Friend’s room for manoeuvre was extremely small-will not generate the necessary scale of recovery within anything like the time scale that is required for a Government to deal with the still very high level of unemployment. Let us never forget that 2.5 million people remain jobless.

John Hayes (- Shadow Minister (Lifelong Learning, Further and Higher Education), Universities and Skills; South Holland & The Deepings, Conservative)

rose -

Michael Meacher (Oldham West & Royton, Labour)

I will give way to the hon. Gentleman for the second time.

John Hayes (- Shadow Minister (Lifelong Learning, Further and Higher Education), Universities and Skills; South Holland & The Deepings, Conservative)

I am grateful to the right hon. Gentleman. It is arguable that, as he is asserting, in an ordinary economic cycle with consequent ordinary economic conditions, a case could be made for increased public borrowing to offset private saving, but this is not an ordinary saving. The deficit is structural, not cyclical, to an unprecedented degree. I therefore suggest that the right hon. Gentleman’s argument does not hold water, although he and I may have a romantic affection for it.


Michael Meacher (Oldham West & Royton, Labour)

Of course I take the hon. Gentleman’s point. There is a significant structural deficit as well as the cyclical deficit. Whichever form of deficit we are considering, however, what the market wants is not the cutting of the deficit per se, but the prospect of the economy’s being pushed strongly towards a course of growth that will reduce the deficit more quickly and more effectively than any other measure.

I think that the role of the public sector is important in that context, especially given the depth of the recession. I do not say this to be aggravating, but it is factually clear that the private sector will never be prepared to make the first move without the support of-indeed, a strong, vigorous lead from-the public sector.

I believe that the one serious omission from the Budget is the omission of any systematic action by Government to promote public sector jobs programmes in certain sectors. The decline in house building has been greater than any in the last 80 years-1.8 million households, 12,000 of them in my constituency, are stranded on the waiting list-and there has also been a decline in infrastructure improvement. We are talking not about “make work” jobs, but about jobs that are desperately needed in our society at present. I believe that there is broad agreement on the need to drive forward the new green, digital economy. That must be done if we are to reduce unemployment by 1 million in two years, thus swinging the economy out of budget-dependent joblessness into job-providing growth yielding higher revenues for the Treasury in the form of income tax, national insurance and VAT.

Let me give credit where it is due: the Government have moved a considerable distance from the market triumphalism of the last three decades. Sadly, however, they are still stuck in Thatcher market mode, in which it is only considered appropriate for the private sector to take the lead. That is an absurd economic prejudice and, in my view, a serious mistake which this Government, once re-elected, should rapidly correct-thus giving a much better grounding to what could otherwise be described as a Budget that has been skilfully balanced in unprecedentedly difficult circumstances.

What would the Tories do if they won?

March 29th, 2010

A tory candidate said to me the other day that she had no idea what Cameron would actually do if the tories won.    I think we can help her.   Ignoring all the bucket-loads of political point-scoring, there are two unimpeachable sources of hard evidence.   One is what is now happening in Ireland where the Government is implementing a virtual carbon copy of tory economic policy.   Indeed the last Irish budget was hailed by the Daily Telegraph as a role model for the British Chancellor.

The former tory Scottish Secretary, Lord Forsyth, who is now chair of Cameron’s policy commission on tax, recently announced to the Conservative Intelligence (a bit of an oxymoron) conference that “It seems to me that we need to be able to reduce the overall level of public expenditure over a parliament by about £75bn (a year)”.   Now £75bn – just 1 year’s proposed cuts according to Forsyth – amounts to about 5% of the UK’s GDP.   That is exactly what the Irish have just delivered – 3 slash-and–burn budgets over the last 18 months which cut their GDP by 5%.   So what has happened?

The unemployment rate in the Irish Republic is now 12.5% and could well rise on the current trend to over 15% before the slump is over.   The rapid meltdown in the private sector has been exacerbated, not mitigated – not surprisingly when the prospects of profitability for private investment are so bleak, but contrary to current tory claims that rapid cutting of the deficit will produce a turnaround faster.   Mass mortgage defaults caused by unemployment and falling house prices are now forecast as the next stage of the Irish economic collapse.

All this is just in year 1.   Forsyth is recommending his tory Etonian friends to administer this poison per year for 5 years, which would cut UK public spending by a total of £375bn or 25% of GDP over the whole period.   That is almost unimaginable – it would amount to half of total current government spending at the present time!   But once again that is exactly what the Irish Government now intends to do, shrinking the Irish State by no less than 25% within less than half a decade.   Just think of what has happened in Ireland in the last year, multiply that by 5, and you will have some idea of what a Cameron Government is threatening to inflict on the UK. (more…)

The great energy rip-off

March 28th, 2010

The big energy companies are notoriously quick to put up petrol prices when wholesale oil prices rise but equally slow to put them down when oil prices fall, thus making large unwarranted profits at consumers’ expense by keeping prices sticky at the high end.   Now another market scam in energy supply has been unearthed by Which? in this month’s current issue.

CERT, the Government’s Carbon Emissions Reduction Target, requires the Big 6 – British Gas, EDF, Eon, Npower, Scottish & Southern, and Scottish Power – to help customers install energy-saving measures.   So far, so altruistic.   But that’s not how it ends up.

First, the most effective way of saving energy is solid wall insulation for Britain’s 6.6 million old and poorly- insulated solid-wall properties which could save a typical household’s gas bill by £420 a year.   But the companies don’t do this because under CERT rules customers have to stump up 80% of the cost  which can be around £7,250 for a typical home.   Instead they mail-out unsolicited light bulbs – a staggering 182 million of them – which save each household just £14 each year.   This invalidates the whole purpose of the exercise.

Second, and worse still, customers don’t realise – and are certainly not told – that they themselves are paying for these ‘benefits’.   The regulator Ofgem has recently estimated that the average household pays no less than £84 a year in ‘environmental levies’ on its energy bills, of which £45 goes directly towards funding CERT.   In other words, customers are being forced to fund carbon reduction out of their own (squeezed) budgets, and because the Government keeps no check on how this £45 is spent, it has minimalist impact in cutting carbon, but leaves the companies with large unearned profits.

Not bad for two scams – and more to come.

Why not a Royal Commission into banking?

March 27th, 2010

Tow key things were missing from the Budget – not surprisingly since the nearness to the election rendered their predictive authority otiose.   The first has been widely noted – any detailed specification of the public expenditure cuts proposed.   The second however has received little or no comment at all.   That is that after the near-total collapse of the financial and economic system there should be a full-scale Inquiry or Commission into the functions, methodology and impacts of modern banking, with detailed recommendations as to how financial markets can be made to operate safely, efficiently and sustainably.

Every time a high-level major disaster occurs in public life, with disturbing implications for the life of the nation, a top-level inquiry is set up with a wide brief to investigate the causes and handling of the disaster and to recommend reforms to prevent any recurrence.   There has been no greater financial/economic disaster for almost a century than the huge recession since 2007.   Yet no inquiry has been set up or is planned.   Why not?   It’s not difficult to see the reasons.

It would expose the failure (in 2002-7 as in 1986-9) to damp down or halt the bloated credit and housing bubbles that contributed so drastically to the collapse when the derivatives scam broke.   It would reveal embarrassingly the mishandling of monetary policy by the newly created MPC which by keeping interest rates too low for too long encouraged the excessive leveraging which laid the foundations for the out-of-control boom.   It would uncover the recklessness with which fancy new financial instruments – credit default swaps, collateralised debt obligations, structured investment vehicles – were allowed to proliferate explosively with very little understanding of the risks they entailed.   And it would display starkly the negligence of the regulatory order as well as the visceral greed of the bonus system driving an uncontrolled expansion.

But if for these reasons Government (i.e. No.10) won’t set up a Commission of Inquiry, why doesn’t Parliament (i.e. the newly-created Back-Bench Business Committee of the House) set up its own?   Or since the City fund managers are always grumbling (rightly) about the exorbitant fees charged by investment banks to underwrite rights issues, why don’t the fund managers set up their own independent and rigorous inquiry?   I’d like an answer.

Middle England, class and fairness

March 26th, 2010

     Class is still a taboo word even though class differences and inequalities are now wider than for almost 100 years.   But slowly and painfully New Labour in the face of defeat is inching back from Mandelson’s infamous “wholly relaxed about people becoming filthy rich” to some inkling of fairness.   The Budget was littered with signs of retreat from the most egregious excesses of the past.   The new 50% top tax rate is targeted exclusively on those with over £150,000 a year (just 1% of the population).   The loss of personal allowances hits those above £100,000 a year (2% of the population).   Frozen inheritance tax thresholds are directed at the top 6%.   The bankers’ bonus tax is mainly focused on the top 7-8%.   And the mansion stamp duty tax will affect only homes worth more than £1 million - just 1.5% of properties.  

      Of course the rabid Tory press scream that this is a spiteful attack on hard-working middle and high-earners.   But if they thnk this is aimed at Middle Britain, what does that tell you about how out of touch they are?   The median income in Britain today is just £22,000.   One third of the population has to survive on less than £15,000, so Middle Britain is broadly those between £15-30,000 a year, whereas none of the Budget taxes will affect anybody below £70,000 a year.   This is not spite, but tell-tale signs of a switch back towards fairness.

     Of course the Budget should go further to have a serious impact on class injustice:

*  Instead of at present the poorest tenth paying 46% of their gross incomes in tax while the richest tenth pay just 34%, this gross unfairness should be reversed.

*  Instead of at present the rich being exempted from payment of national insurance contributions above 1.5 times national average earnings, this arbitrary cap should be removed so that they pay their fair share like everyone else.

*  Instead of at present the rich being able to redefine income as capital gains and this pay only 18% instead of 40%, CGT should be put back level-pegging with higher income tax at 40%.

*  Instead of at present the rich, mostly the top tenth, pocketing 91% of the nation’s wealth while the bottom tenth have no net wealth because they owe more than they earn, a new tax on wealth should be brought in, preferably a gifts tax rather than an inheritance which can be too easily avoided.

It’s worse than Emmenthal cheese

March 25th, 2010

Picking your way through the holes, crevasses and craters of the Budget where far more was invisible than apparent is difficult, but here goes.   The deficit is now £167bn, and Darling intends to achieve the proposed halving (i.e. a cut of £83bn) within 4 years by tax increases yielding £19bn, public expenditure cuts worth £38bn, and economic growth providing the rest, which must mean around £26bn. (more…)

The elephant in the Budget room

March 24th, 2010

Alistair Darling is adept at playing a poor hand well.    Today he will announce triumphantly that the deficit is coming down faster than expected (perhaps to £165bn, from higher bonus tax proceeds and lower unemployment costs than predicted) and that with cuts in stamp duty for first-time house-buyers, a green infrastructure fund, a capital growth fund for SMEs and more government business to go to them, and more robust lending targets for the banks, Britain is out of the woods and on its way. (more…)

Lobbyists: the next disaster waiting to happen

March 23rd, 2010

At least Cameron got one thing right when he said yesterday that lobbying was the next scandal to hit politics.   One of the worst aspects of the corruption associated with New Labour over the last decade has been the multifold increase in lobbyists’ infiltration into every niche of the parliamentary domain, bribing, suborning, secretly manipulating, spinning their scams, nearly always offering payment to oil the wheels for under-the-counter influence.   So much of the New Labour project was built on this money-driven marketisation of politics, so many New Labour apparatchiks were actively engaged in it themselves, that nothing was done to stop it  – indeed it was enthusiastically encouraged on the side. (more…)

New Labour is disintegrating before our eyes

March 22nd, 2010

The expulsion of Byers, Hewitt and Hoon is entirely justified  – and necessary  – when indeed nobody has done more to bring the Labour Party into disrepute (the grounds for expulsion under the party’s rules) than they have.      But the implications go far deeper.   We are witnessing the final denouement of what was infamously called New Labour.   The Blairite version never had a distinctive ideology of its own apart from taking over the Thatcherite one it inherited.   It was simply a power project from start to finish, and now its underlying motivations of self-interest, money-making and power manipulation have been nakedly revealed, reinforcing ever more strongly earlier examples from the Derek Draper ‘lobbygate’ scandal, the policy for sale exposed by the Ecclestone affair, the peerages for major donors to Labour’s 2005 election, and the Labour peers last year who offered to assist in amending legislation in exchange for substantial payment. (more…)

Truth is the first victim in a strike

March 21st, 2010

With the Tory party poll lead slipping, it is only to be expected that a right-wing press (Telegraph, Mail, Sun, Express) are avid to portray the BA strike as ‘a return to the 1970s’.   It is nothing of the kind as the following facts show: (more…)

Chilcot leading to what?

March 20th, 2010

Chilcot is a ticking time bomb, dormant for the moment, but still primed to explode within a few months.   And then what?

Three central issues arise out of Chilcot.   The first is what happens if in accordance with the known facts the inquiry concludes that Tony Blair committed without consultation to a war in Iraq 11 months before the invasion, played down intelligence briefings that evidence of Saddam’s WMD was sporadic and patchy, invented or inflated claims to show that the threat was much greater than he knew it to be, and tried to prevent the Attorney General’s judgement reaching the Cabinet that the war was illegal without a second UN resolution and then leant on him to change his mind?

(more…)

Who are our children’s keeper?

March 19th, 2010

What a contrast.   After 16 children are found to have been abused in Birmingham in recent years, half of them from care homes, 6 social workers are sacked for falling so far short of acceptable standards of care management.   On the same day a Roman Catholic cardinal insists that priests who have abused children, but admitted the fact in the privacy of the confessional, are protected by sacramental absolution from being identified and made to face the consequences of their offences. (more…)

Greed, glorious greed – again

March 18th, 2010

Nobody has ever heard of Linda Cook, but she’s yet another symbol, the latest symbol, of what’s sickening Britain.   She was former head of Shell’s gas and power business, didn’t get the chief exec role, so she left – but only after getting her pension pot more than doubled to nearly $25 millions (about £16.5m).   That’s the equivalent of awarding her an extra 15 years of pension contributions.   As if that were not enough, she also received a $7.6m ‘golden goodbye’. (more…)

So Unite is taking over the Labour Party. Really?

March 17th, 2010

Unite, the Tories tell us, has installed 59 of its members as Labour parliamentary candidates, and a new Left conspiracy is now emerging headed by Charlie Whelan.   It just shows what unadulterated rubbish the media can sometimes serve up, regurgitating Tory propaganda, when the truth is the opposite.   Whelan for a start is an unabashed Right-wing bruiser and fixer.   (more…)

What is the future of the Welfare State?

March 16th, 2010

One issue that you can guarantee won’t be debated in this coming election dominated by cuts, cuts, cuts is: what kind of public services do we want in this country and how should be paid for?   The Audit Commission has made a stab at this, but come up with rather trite (and Tory) conclusions – devolve them to local level and farm them out to voluntary, charitable or community organisations.   That would produce very uneven services across the country (postcode lottery) and return to the post-war Lady Bountiful in place of universal rights and entitlements.   Back to the 1930s – any takers? (more…)