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February 07, 2008

Charter for Fundamental Freedoms: What's the Problem?

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A bizarre episode occurred in the House of Commons yesterday. We were debating the impact of the EU Lisbon Treaty on human rights. The Government line was, yes, we accepted that the Charter of Fundamental Rights was legally binding, but don’t worry, we then negotiated a protocol to make sure it won’t apply in the UK. The Tory line was that there was still no guarantee that bits of the Charter wouldn’t leak from this prohibitionist protocol because of judicial creep when cases came before the European Court of Justice (ECJ).

What a stitch-up! In my speech I made the obvious point crying out when all the other 26 EU Member States have accepted it without demur? Is it because the Charter would ban excessive working hours when British workers already work more hours a week than anyone else in Europe and the CBI would like to keep it that way? Is it because it would also permit secondary action in industrial disputes when at present British workers cannot take such action though employers can, and no doubt the CBI would like to keep it that way on that matter too? Yet the right to take secondary action has never been an issue in any other country in Europe, and it’s hardly the job of a Labour Government to maintain in the UK what Tony Blair once boasted to a business conference was “the most restrictive trade union legislation in the Western world”.

It really is ludicrous that the Government continues to resist what ever other country in the EU, without exception, has taken in its stride as the foundation of a civilised society. It’s not even as though the Government can succeed. The Swedish Prime Minister said in the Swedish Parliament on 26 June last year: “It should be stressed that the UK was given a clarification, not an opt-out”.

Even more significantly, when Blair was presenting the protocol to the UK Parliament the day before, he misread the text (well, I assume he misread it). He said: “Nothing in the Charter creates justiciable rights applicable to the UK”, whereas the text of the protocol actually says: “Nothing in Title IV of the Charter creates justiciable rights applicable to the UK”. The clear implication is that, although one section of the Charter cannot be used to create new rights, other sections almost certainly will be.

But even in respect of Title IV on social rights, the text of the protocol states explicitly that the Charter does not create justiciable rights applicable to the UK “except in so far as the UK has provided for such rights in its national law”. Presumably then it will be left for the European Court of Justice (ECJ) to decide for itself whether the UK has attempted to provide for such rights in its national law and to decide whether the attempt to provide such rights is adequate in the light of the Charter.

Indeed it’s very difficult to see how this supposedly unique carve-out for the UK can actually work. Firms operating in more than one Member State will clearly be affected. Migrants coming from another Member State to the UK would presumably be covered. Anyone who travelled to another Member State from this country, for example for health services, would presumably be able to use the Charter. Moreover, there are 30 years of EU jurisprudence to say that there can be no two-tier system of European rights.

So this claimed uniqueness for the UK will almost certainly steadily unravel. It will be eroded by proactive ECJ judgements and also by the interactive knock-on effects between Title IV and other parts of the protocol. It surely is farcical that the Government are investing such enormous legal and logistical resources into resisting something which they are all too likely to lose in the end and which every other country in Europe has decided is practicable and desirable. We really need a Government in Britain which stands up for the British people and does not bow down to the CBI and the Eurosceptic press.

October 31, 2007

To referendum or not to referendum

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The current debate about whether there should be a referendum on the proposed EU Reform Treaty isn’t really about the precise arguments for or against it at all. Rather it’s about people’s different conceptions of what the EU is about or what it’s for.

If you’re a Eurosceptic who thinks the EU should be a loose trading relationship with little or no political super-structure, you’ll support a referendum in the expectation that it will be lost, which might then open the way to leaving the EU and achieving the neo-conservative goal of closer alignment with the US.

However, the arguments actually used are that having an elected EU President for a 30-month term, creating an EU Foreign Minister in all but in name, making the EU a legal entity in certain contexts, and sacrificing the veto by the switch to QMV in 60 (mostly minor) policy areas constitutes a shift of power to Brussels – which it is – though whether it’s a significant shift is a fine judgement. It’s also argued too that Blair promised a referendum on the EU Constitution before the 2005 election (to keep the Murdoch press sweet) and that this Reform Treaty is almost the same– which it is – though it involves nothing like the leap in integration agreed in the Single European Act in 1986 and the Maastricht Treaty in 1992 when there were no referendums. And anyway Blair changed his position on having a referendum 6 times in his last 5 years as PM, so there’s plenty of evidence to quote for his supporting either side of the argument.

What drives the pro-referendum lobby therefore is not their ostensible claims, which are anyway not as strong as they pretend, but rather their underlying view of Europe and their hostility to any move towards even the slightest pooling of sovereignty, whatever the corresponding gains might be.

If you’re a Europhile, the argument will be that there’s no loss of power since Member States will still have to reach unanimous agreement over common policy objectives and a declaration confirms that foreign policy will remain under the control of Member States – though the declaration is not legally binding. It will also be argued that Britain retains an opt-in if it wishes to co-operate with other States in tackling such issues as terrorism and crime – though if Britain did opt-in to an agreement and then found that the final draft was unacceptable, it might not be able to opt out again.

Again therefore the anti-referendum lobby is equally motivated less by force of argument over the minutiae of the Treaty than by their underlying concept of Europe and their sense of Britain’s purpose within it. The key issue here then is how precisely that purpose is delineated.

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